The delegates to the county conventions are chosen at the precinct level. Most precincts are not organized, and preference is given to republicans who attend who wish to be delegates. So, for example, if you were a new republican went to the precinct convention in Charles Taylor's precinct, (sic) said you wanted to to be a delegate and he did not attend, you would get the seat. The same is true for the county conventions, and all the way up the line. So, this must start at the ground level.

i was primarily thinking that it would be most effective to pool from
those 100+ Meetup group members we already have to get them to be more active in the local GOP meetings and become a delegate. Seems to me it is these folks that have the drive to do so.

Otherwise, it seems it would be a LOT of work to contact so many voters in a district to try and persuade them to consider supporting Ron Paul, let alone getting involved at a much deeper level.

i plan to continue pushing our group's members in this direction, as Ron Paul NEEDS support in the GOP delegation!

Back in 1976, Harvey Molotch, a University of California-Santa Barbara professor, wrote an essay, "The City as a Growth Machine: Toward a Political Economy of Place." Molotch argued that coalitions of business elites dominated metropolitan-level politics across the United States. They harnessed the power of government to promote regional growth and development, mold land use outcomes, and increase the value of their real estate interests. Noting the similarities between Molotch's thesis and my observations in "Who Rules Virginia?", blogger Richard Layman ("Rebuilding Place in the Urban Space") brought the essay to my attention.

"The City as a Growth Machine" helped clarify how I look at the political economy of growth in Virginia. Three decades later, many of Molotch's observations still ring true. I would modify his thesis, as I will note below, but I think it's worth reviewing the highlights.

Writes Molotch: "The political and economic essence of virtually any given locality, in the present American context, is growth." The desire for growth creates consensus among members of the politically mobilized local elites, however split they might be on other issues, and gives rise to a spirit of civic boosterism.

"The clearest indication of success at growth is a constantly rising urban-area population," followed by the expansion of basic industries, a growing labor force, a rising scale of retail and wholesale commerce, more far-flung and increasingly intensive land development, and increased levels of financial activity. Members of the growth coalition augment their wealth by increasing the value of their real estate and enjoying the benefits of an expanding market for their products and services. In addition to the obvious suspects -- developers, bankers, construction companies, utilities and the like -- Molotch notes that local newspapers and universities often are part of the growth machine.

Molotch doesn't seem to regard growth as inherently bad, but he observes -- rightly, I believe -- that there are both costs and benefits associated with it. As a rule, the growth machine manipulates the political process and levers of government to capture as many of the financial benefits of growth as it can while passing on as many of the costs as possible to the taxpayers and general public. That's why in Virginia, developers, home builders and contractors dominate the donations to political candidates.

As growth accelerates, however, liabilities become visible in the form of traffic congestion, increased air and water pollution, the overtaxing of amenities, and, I would add, fiscal stress in the form of overcrowded schools and escalating taxes. Those liabilities, in turn, give rise to anti-growth movements.

In my observation, anti-growth movements in Virginia have consisted of a splintered and uneasy alliance of taxpayers, NIMBYs and environmentalists bemoaning taxes, congestion and loss of open space. Responding to oft-inarticulate cries of frustration, elected officials have enacted zoning "protections" that have given rise to the scattered, disconnected, low-density pattern of development. "Sprawl" has then created entirely new sets of problems such as unaffordable housing, even more dysfunctional transportation networks and even more pervasive damage to the environment.

What people do in the privacy of their own bedroom is their business.
But to push your sex life on others is wrong. Gay, Lesbian, and Transgender groups like Equality NC and Faith in America are doing just that. Their sales pitch is civil rights. Slavery, segregation, and denying women the right to vote was wrong and Americans have come
a long way since those days. But is the way you have sex a civil right?

Six months ago my wife and I sent an e-mail to my step father,
Democrat NC Senator Martin Nesbitt. We asked why he is sponsoring
Senate Bill 1534: Non-Discrimination in State Employment
This bill would protect state workers from discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity or expression.

"Gender identity or expression." What does that mean? That means Martin Nesbitt is sponsoring a bill that would allow transsexuals or transvestites to teach his grandchildren and your children in drag in the public school classrooms. Teachers are state employees and in an area where weird homosexual castrations and the gay lifestyle is on the rise, this will happen if this bill is passed and there is nothing you or there employer can do about it.

This bill would protect state employees from discrimination on the basis of their sexual orientation, broadly defined to include gender identity or expression. It amends the State Personnel Act by adding sexual orientation to the list of protected classes for discrimination in hiring; denial of promotion, transfer or training; retaliatory demotion, reduction in force or termination; and harassment. Equality NC secured introduction of this bill by Sen. Charlie Albertson (D-Duplin) and 19 co-sponsors. This is the largest list of senators sponsoring pro-LGBT legislation in North Carolina history.

Equality North Carolina is a statewide advocacy organization that works to secure equal rights and justice for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender North Carolinians.

What we do
Equality North Carolina is your voice for equal rights and justice in state government.

1. a shared immutable characteristic;
2. economic deprivation; and
3. a history of political powerlessness.
   

From Carl Mumpower:

~ Media Release/Position Statement~

Monday, November 12, 2007

There's a Tax on Shuler's "Blue Dog" Credentials

Congressman Heath Shuler (D-Swain) voted in favor of H.R. bill 3996, which passed on Friday, November 9^th, by a vote of 216 to 193. The "AMT bill" is one of the steps in implementing the overriding tax reform effort pressed by the Democrats under the leadership of Charlie Rangel (D-NY). The bill provides temporary relief from the Alternative Minimum Tax (AMT) to some but additional modifications in the bill amounted to an overall $72 Billion increase.

"This is just the first lighting strike in an upcoming storm of Democrat supported increases in our Federal tax burden." said Carl Mumpower (R-Buncombe) 11^th District Congressional Candidate. "I like Congressman Shuler personally, but I have trouble with the way he says one thing at home and does another in Washington - actions speak louder than words and voting for this masked tax increase is not a real blue dog action."

President Bush and the Republican Congress initiated major tax cuts at the beginning of the President's first term than many economists credit for the surprisingly strong post 9-11 economy. What has been touted as "The Mother of all Tax Hikes" is a Democrat initiative to not renew those tax cuts and instead pursue dramatic increases that will affect 94 million families earning between $20,000 and $200,000 per year.